Mary Cicely Bennett & Erin Lindegaard were married in London, 1927. M.C. was known as “Cic”. She and Erin adopted a boy called Freddie, surname unknown, but the marriage broke up in the early 1940s when Erin was a scenic artist working on a number of famous British films, including Olivier’s “Henry V”. Cicely and Freddie disappeared but I have recently been sent a copy of the will of Mary Williamina Fournier, address 265 Grays Inn Road, (West London) dated 9 March 1938 which is witnessed by “C. Lindegaard”. As the UK Lindegaards are all one family, descended from Arthur & Karen Matilda Lindegaard, who came from Denmark via Ireland, and rare as hen’s teeth, this is definitely our Cic. It is believed that she worked as a cleaner for Mrs Fournier, who did not die until 1951 in Holborn. Erin went on to have two daughters with another partner who are anxious to know what became of Cic and of Freddie.   

It’s a great name. Some time ago I tried to find the birth/baptism records of Alexander Falconbridge “born ca 1760 to a family with Bristol connections”.  According to the Editor of “The Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791-1792-1793", (see below) he was, like his wife, born in Bristol. If this is the case I would be delighted if anybody could produce a baptismal record! Falconbridge is well known as an abolitionist and author (“An Account of the Slave Trade on the West of Africa” [1788]) and as Thomas Clarkson’s guide in Bristol when he came to the City to gather evidence for the abolition of the trade, but his ancestry to the time of writing remains elusive.

Valerie Price-Currer of New South Wales is a descendant of the Falconbridge family and would dearly like to make the connection between her ancestors and “the famous Alex”. She says “When Falconbridge gave evidence to the British Parliamentary Committee, it appears he had “spent a year studying medicine at the Bristol Royal Infirmary in 1779-1780, but financially unable to set up a medical practice he signed on as a slave ship surgeon and went on four voyages to Africa. Becoming increasingly disillusioned with what he saw and experienced Alexander left the trade in 1787 to work as a pupil with a Bristol Doctor. It was around this time that he met up with members of the growing abolitionist movement, and Thomas Clarkson seems to have held him in high regard. Alexander spent the year 1779-1780 at the Bristol Royal Infirmary, too poor at this time to start a medical practice, he signed on as surgeon on slave ships.  He left in disgust in 1787 and worked as a pupil with a Bristol Doctor. It was at this time that he became interested in the abolitionist movement and met Thomas Clarkson.”

I have been unable to find the primary sources for the above which is repeated over again in a number of books. To Clarkson he was able bodyguiard, describing him as "an athletic and resolute-looking man", (Clarkson 1.318.) Falconbridge’s book giving an account of the slave trade was presented as evidence in the Parliamentary Hearing into Slavery.

Alexander Falconbridge and Anna Maria Horwood were married at Easton in Gordano by banns on 16 April 1788, witnessed by one of Anna Maria’s sisters and George Falconbridge. (Apart from the appearance of Alexander himself, this is the first time I have found a Falconbridge in Bristol.) 

The Horwood family were local, well established in the Parish of All Saints, Bristol.

Charles Horwood, Anna Maria’s father was a silversmith and also a clockmaker. (A long case 8 day clock with his name can be viewed on line.)

The children of Charles & his wife Grace, nee Roberts, were baptised at All Saints Church as follows: Mary Anne, 24.11.1760, Grace, 5.4.1762, (bur 13.2.1773), Anne, 5.5.1763, Charles, 25.1.1765, (bur 1785), Christian Jane, 17.10.1766,and Anna Maria, 13.7.1769

Grace Horwood, the wife of Charles was buried 6.1.1774.

On 13.4.1779: Charles Horwood, junior, silversmith & Martha Cox were married, by licence, witnessed by Charles Horwood, senior, & Edith Bayley. The licence states: “Charles Horwood of All Saints, silversmith & Martha Cox, spinster of St James.” This is a puzzle as Charles cannot be the Charles baptised in 1765 above, as he would still be a lad of 14, so I am led to believe that there was Charles s.o. Charles s.o. Charles and both weddings refer to the same man, Anna Maria’s father!

Charles and Martha went on to have the following children baptised at All Saints: Martha, 7.5.1780, (inf. bur 11.1.1780), Martha, 4.4.1781, Elizabeth & Charles, 9.6.1783, (Charles bur 8.5.1788) Simeon, 9.3.1785, (bur 9.8.1785) Charles Bird, 25.4.1787 (bur 30.4.1787) 

A Charles Horwood senior was buried 4.8.1787 and Martha “from Dowry Square” on 16.3.1791

Alexander was supposedly 28 at the time of his marriage to Anna Maria who was nineteen. Valerie believes that the Horwoods were a well to do family and that they disapproved of the marriage, “possibly because they were involved in the slave trade and disliked the anti-abolitionist movement. It is known that Anna’s brother in law to be was the captain of a slaver”, and the location of the marriage, well out of town, may suggest a clandestine arrangement.

In 1791, Alexander was selected by the Anti-Slavery Society to sail to Sierra Leone with the intention of reorganising the settlement of freed slaves in Granville Town and the married couple, with William Falconbridge, presumably another brother, sailed for the colony on a slaver, “The Duke of Buccleuch” under Captain Maclean.  Alex signed an Inventory dated 1792, Sierra Leone, with other signatories, James Watt and Richard Pepys, Members of the Council.

Anna Maria must have been very brave and feisty and was obviously well educated as can be seen from the book she co-authored about her travels: “The Narrative of Two Voyages to the River Sierra Leone During the Years 1791-1792-1793", which was published in 1794. She writes with the benefit of hindsight “it was surely a premature, hair-brained and ill-digested scheme to think of sending such a number of people all at once to such a rude barbarous and unhealthy country before they were certain of possessing an acre of land.”

The Sierra Leone scheme was a failure, as was the marriage. The couple separated. Alexander fell out with his brother William who was also employed by the Sierra Leone Company. William moved to Bance Island where he became ill with a fever and died. Alexander, who had taken to drink, was dismissed by Mr Thornton of the Company, and very depressed died on 19 December 1792. Both he and William are believed to be buried in Sierra Leone but the site of their graves is unknown.

Within a few weeks, on 7 January 1793, Anna Maria married Isaac Dubois, in a private ceremony, requesting that the officiating clergyman keep the matter secret (for obvious reasons!) The marriage was probably Isaac’s second, for a man of this name married Jemima Blake at St Martin’s in the Fields, London on 17.11.1784. He also worked for the Company and kept a diary for Thomas Clarkson. Though some sources say he was a plantation owner from North Carolina, or a soldier in the American Revolutionary War, I wonder if either is correct and feel that his connections are more likely with London, and particularly St Martin’s in the Fields where an Isaac Dubois of the Strand, St Martin’s in the Fields, chaser and print seller, insolvent debtor, was imprisoned in The Fleet, 22.10.1748. (London Gazette). Perhaps he was Isaac’s father or grandfather?  The  newly weds celebrated aboard Anna's brother in law's slaver and later returned home to England via Jamaica.

Anna includes in her book details of meetings she had on her return with Thornton who had sacked Alexander. She mentions Alexander’s will which has never been located and alludes to a possible child. This is the only reference she makes to her dead husband apart from his bad temper and drinking habits.  She gave birth to a son Francis Blake Dubois on 27 December 1801 and died shortly afterwards probably from the complications of giving birth. She was just thirty three years old. Her son was christened at St Martin in the Fields in November 1802.

Sadly it seems that Anna Maria wavered when it came to the abolitionist movement and after Alexander's death she seems to have had doubts about the possibility of abolition coming about, she in fact questioned whether it was a good thing.

So what are the Bristol connections? As shown above George Falconbridge was a witness to the marriage of Alexander and Anna Maria.  On the 16 February 1791 he married at St Philip & St Jacob’s, Mary Hedges of Castle Precincts. The marriage was by licence, presumably because the bride was just eighteen and needed the consent of her father, Thomas Hedges, a hatter, of St P & J. George was  a bachelor and by trade a chymist, (sic). All parties signed.

The next Falconbridge on the scene is Samuel, a chemist, of the City of Bristol, who made his will on 10 February 1795. He leaves:

“to my son George Falconbridge, a house now occupied by Earl Pearce, potter, in Avon Street, St Phillips with £200 stock in 5% annuities, household furniture, books, my best black coat and all necessaries in my dwelling.”

“to my brother, William Falconbridge, if living at my decease, interest of £200 in stock &c and at his death one half to be paid to Samuel Falconbridge, his son and half to Mary Falconbridge, his daughter.”

“to my grandson Samuel Falconbridge, £50 in stock.”

“to my wife’s mother Susanna Boyd the interest on £100 in stock for life provided her son George Boyd give her £10 a year for her life, otherwise the legacy is void. And at her death to my grandson Samuel Falconbridge jointly with his brother and sisters, £30 to him and £70 between his brother & sisters.

”to John Griffiths, my wearing apparel except my black coat.

“to John Read £10 and any surplus money I may die professed (sic) of after my funeral expenses and debts discharged and deficiency to be made up by my son George Falconbridge. And the same John Read to direct my funeral and that he will have a flat grave stone put over my grave inscribed with my age and that of my dear wife; and John Read to be executor.”

Signed Samuel Falconbridge in the presence of Isaac Hill, Richard Pincott, William Seward.

The will was proved on the 20th May 1795.

Unfortunately, mysterious as usual, nobody by the name Falconbridge appears in the Bristol baptism & burial indexes 1754-1812 produced by Bristol & Avon FHS, nor does the gravestone appear in Ron Lewin’s index of MIs. It occurs to me that William named above “if living” may be the William who accompanied Alex and Anna Maria to Africa. If Alex is also Samuel’s brother then he is not mentioned in the will as it must have been known that he was already dead.  I have been unable to find a marriage between Samuel Falconbridge and ----- Boyd. 

So we are left with…………George.

George Falconbridge was married to Mary Hedges as noted above. They appear not to have had children and lived out their lives in St Philip & St Jacob. In the Bristol Mercury of 30.11.1830 George Boyd Falconbridge of St P & J appears named in a petition of ratepayers railing against “ruinous taxation”.

They appear in 1841 census at Lamb Street, aged 70 and 65 respectively. (I had some difficulty in finding them - “Find My Past” indexes them as “Fatcombridge”!) George died in 1845 and in the 1851 census Mary is is living at 92 Lamb Street St P  J, widow, 79, funded proprietor & house, born Bristol, with Esther Baker, 21, servant, born Gloucestershire.   In 1861, Mary is living at 40 Wade Street, still with the faithful Esther Baker, now “28”. It was probably Esther who put her mistress’s obituary in the newspaper in 1865:  November 12, at Lamb Street, after a long illness, Mary Ann, widow of Mr G. Falconbridge, aged 94, (Bs Merc 18.11.1865)

Sometime ago I was sent the following information about a family called Blatchley who with various friends had strong Bitton connections. I had not come across them before and therefore they do not appear in my KINGSWOOD INDEX.  I was reminded of them following my recent posting concerning the Box Tunnel. This is the letter I received from Mr Guy Hirst:

“BLATCHLEY

“The Blatchleys came to the area in the 1820s from the Longleat Estate.

William the father (1771-1854) was an Innkeeper and may have been the 'William Blatcham' who appears as landlord of the Tennis Court Inn at Deanery Road, Warmley in Pigot's Directory of Gloucestershire, 1830. He had retired back to Longleat to a rent free cottage by 1839.

Charles Blatchley, (elder son), (1796-1879), Half Pay Lieutenant RN - paid off from the navy in 1825, began a new career as a railway civil engineer possibly at first with the local Bristol & Gloucestershire Railway from Coalpit Heath. His first child was born at Mangotsfield in 1828. Charles went back to sea 1830-4 and then returned to Kingswood, where his second son was born in 1836.That year Charles found a job with Brunel on the Box Tunnel and left to live at Box. Charles’ lifetime friend and colleague William Glennie was living at Bitton in the 1830s and also moved from the Royal Navy to Brunel. Glennie's wife was the daughter of the great art publicist Henry Aston Barker* (inventor of the panorama and son in law of Captain Bligh of the Bounty) who retired from London to Bitton at this period.

John Blatchley, (younger son), (1803-1862), was a butcher. He married Ruth Fudge in 1828 and had 3 children at Kingswood Hill. Ruth died in 1834. By 1836 the family had moved to Newport, Monmouthshire. When his second wife died in 1847, John and the children struck hard times and ended up in 1851 in the Keynsham Workhouse as John seems to have had a 'settlement' at Oldland. After another spell in Newport he died back in the Keynsham Union House in 1862.

Clara, John's eldest child born 1829 at Warmley remained in the area and appears not to have gone to Newport. In 1851 she was servant to the Moravian Minister Peter Cornelius West at Siston. She married in 1858 at Bitton and left for Liverpool in the 1860s.

John's second wife was Mary Ann James (1809-1847) daughter of George James (b Mangotsfield c1779) and Hannah Ponting (b. Stapleton 1778)

George James was a pork butcher and moved to Newport in the 1830s probably from Bristol where he had lived since his marriage in 1802.

Finally Sophia Grace nee Blatchley (1794-1880) sister of John and Charles, lived from about 1821 to 1835 at Warmley, Bitton, Kingswood with her Exciseman husband William.

“Kind Regards

Guy Hirst.”

I was intrigued by the connection with Bligh of the “Bounty” and decided to check out the information provided.

WILLIAM BLATCHLEY (1771-1854)

William Blatcham is listed as the Landlord of the Tennis Court in 1830. see warmley history. It seems clear from the note concerning John Blatchley (below) that he is indeed the same as William Blatchley.

William Blatchley married Joyce Scriffen Crokett at Longbridge Deverill, Wilts, 4.12.1792.

In 1841 William Blatchley and his wife Joyce aged “69 & 67” respectively are living at Horningsham, Wiltshire. William is said to be of independent means. In 1851 they are at Cock Road, Horningsham, as follows:

William Blatchley, 80, occupation “Old Huntsman” born Bath, and Joyce, otherwise Joycey, his wife aged 71.  The death of William Blatchley was registered at Warminster, Wilts in 1854 and that of Joycey at Kensington in 1859.   

CHARLES BLATCHLEY (1796-1879)

C.B. promoted Lieutenant, RN, 2.4.1824, “Morning Post”.

Charles Blatchley & Charlotte Gale married Kingswood, Bristol 18.12.1827.

(Yet to be checked: Blatchley baptisms at Mangotsfield.)

In 1841 living at Box, Wilts:

Charles Blatchley, 41, Navy Half Pay, born Wilts

Charlotte, 38, not born in Wilts, with Frederick, 5 & Alfred, 4, plus a maidservant.

In 1851, Charlotte, aged 50, born Southleigh, Oxon., is living at Ivy Cottage, Victory Parade, Dawlish with Alfred, her son aged 13, born Box whilst

Charles, 55, born Longbridge Deverill, now a Civil Engineer and Charles, his son, 22, also a Civil Engineer are living at Chipping Campden, Glos.

I can find no trace of any of them in 1861. Charlotte, wife of Commander Blatchley, RN,  died on 31.12.1864 at Saltash (obit 6.1.65, Royal Cornwall Gazette) and in 1871, Charles, a widower, aged 75, Greenwich Pensioner, Commander retired, was living at St Germans.  

His death at Saltash, Cornwall, December 3, 1879, “Commander, RN, aged 84” is recorded in the R. Cornwall Gazette 5.12.1879.

Frederick Blatchley esq, of Port View Saltash, s.o. the late Cdr Blatchley married Mary Kate eldest d.o. Rev Edward Polwhele, Rector of Pillaton. (Morning Post 13.7.1882)

JOHN BLATCHLEY (1802-1862)

“the son of the Landlord of the Tennis Court Inn” gave evidence at the Inquest on Isaac Gorden who was murdered after leaving the pub. (see Morning Chronicle, 6.12.1824) James Caines Bush and Mark Whiting of Kingswood were later hanged for the crime.

John Blatchley makes no further appearance in newspaper articles. I have yet to check his marriage to Ruth Fudge or the baptisms of his children. 

In 1841, described “brewer” (not butcher) he is living at Charles Street, St Woolos, Newport, aged 38, with his wife Mary, 32, and children William, 4, Mary 16 months, and Emma, aged 10, who must be the child of his first marriage.

In 1851, he is not in Keynsham Workhouse but in premises belonging to William Williams, a shipping labourer, and is described as a “painter, journeyman”, born Crockerton, Wiltshire. With him is his son William aged 14, “painter’s boy”, born Newport.   However, in the Keynsham Workhouse are Mary A. Blatchley, 11 and Charles Blatchley, 5, “pauper scholars”, birthplace unknown.

In 1861 John is not in the list for Keynsham Workhouse, but William, now 26, seems to have gone to Droylsden, Manchester, where he says he was “born Gloucestershire” and is living at 9 Durham Street, with his wife Jane aged 25. In 1871, William is still living in Lancashire, now aged 35, a shopman, and says he was born “Monmouthshire”. He has a different wife, Eliza, and five children. Things are looking up for they have a servant, Eleanor Ascroft, aged 15.

It is intriguing to notice the contrast in fortune in the lives of the brothers Charles and John Blatchley.

CLARA BLATCHLEY, (ca1829-1903) the daughter of John Blatchley was a maidservant at the home of the Moravian Minister, Peter Cornelius West at Potters Wood, Kingswood in 1851.

She married Robert Stone, junior, a paper maker, and in 1861 they were living at Oldland Common with their baby son, Frederick, aged one. By 1871 they had moved to Everton, Liverpool where Robert was now working at an india-rubber factory and the family had grown to six children. In 1881 he was an outdoor officer for the Local Marine Board, and in 1891, a Restaurant Manager! A Jack of All-Trades! Robert died aged 56 in 1892 and in 1901, the widowed Clara was staying with her son William, his wife Ethel and their large family at Lambeth. She died in 1903, aged 73, back home in Liverpool.

SOPHIA GRACE, nee Blatchley (1794-1880)

sister of William & Charles Blatchley, married William Grace and in 1841 was at Husbandman’s End, Shipton on Stour, Worcs. William aged 50, (born ca 1791) not born Worcs, Sophia aged 45 (bca 1796) not born Worcs, and their ten children!

In 1851 they were at 12 Caroline Place, Marylebone:

William Grace, 63 (b.1788), retired Inland Revenue Officer, born Enford, Wilts

Sophia, 57 (1794) born Longbridge Deverill

Eliza, daughter, 15, born Cirencester, plus a visitor, nine year old William Hurford, born Brighton.

In 1861, they are still at the same address: William, now 73, “Officer Inland Revenue” though the family business seems to be taking in washing: Sophia, now 66, Louisa, 35 (b.Bitton), Caroline, 28, (b. Kingswood Hill) and Eliza, 25, (b. Cirencester) are all described “laundress”, whilst so Thomas, 25, “assists at home.” The only exception to the enterprise is Maria, 26, (b. Kingswood Hill) a governess.

Sophia Grace, 85, died in London in 1880.

WILLIAM GLENNIE

On Nov. 26 at Bitton, Lt. William Glennie RN  to Elizabeth Catherine eldest daughter of Henry Aston Barker, esquire of Willsbridge. (Marriage announcement Bristol Mercury 12.12.1833)

1841 census at Box, Wiltshire:

William Glennie 40 Lieut RN & Civil Engineer, Not born Wilts

Elizabeth Catherine, 30, Not born Wilts

& 4 children, Walter, 6, Harriet, 5, William, 3 & Catherine Sophia, 1, & 2 servants

1851 census at 23 Devonshire Terrace, St Andrew, Plymouth

William Glennie, 53, (1798) Lieut RN, Half Pay, b. Camberwell

Catherine Glennie, 45 (1806) b. St Geo. Southwark

William, 13, scholar, b. Bitton, Catherine, scholar, 11, b. Bitton, Isabella, 9, b. Sampford Arundel, Som,

Alexander W. 7 b. Sampford Arundel, Mary E. 5, b. Dawlish, Margaret G. b. Plymouth.

Marriage announcement: INGLES/GLENNIE. On 8th inst at Stoke Church, Devonport, Lieut John Ingles RN & Catherine Sophia, 2nd daughter of the late Lieut William Glennie RN of Nelson Villas, Stoke, Devonshire. (Hampshire Chronicle 20.1.1866)

HENRY ASTON BARKER 

Henry As(h)ton Barker & Harriet Maria Bligh married 1802. (Harriet Maria, daughter of William & Bligh and Elizabeth Betham was baptised at Douglas, Isle of Man 14 November 1782.

Henry Aston Barker Gazetted 2nd Lieutenant, Southward Volunteers, 26.8.1807 (announcement, Morning Post)

The following comes from Wikipedia:

Henry Aston Barker (1774 - 19 July 1856) was a Scottish landscape and panorama painter and exhibitor, the son of Robert Barker whose business he continued.^[1]

Life and works

Barker was born in Glasgow, the younger son of Robert Barker, the famous panoramic painter, whom he assisted as a boy. When only 12 years old he was set to work making outlines of the city of Edinburgh from the top of the Calton Hill Observatory, and a few years later made the drawings for the view of London from Albion Mills. These drawings he afterwards etched.^[1]

In 1788 he came with his father to London, and soon afterwards became a pupil at the Royal Academy. Barker continued to be his father's chief assistant in the panoramas till the latter's death in 1806, when, as executor, he took over the business, and for 20 years carried on the exhibitions with great success.^[1]

He frequently travelled in the course of his work, and in August 1799 left England for Turkey, to make drawings for a panorama of Constantinople. When he arrived at Palermo, he called on Sir William Hamilton, the English ambassador at the court of Naples, and was introduced by him to Lord Nelson, of whom, he wrote, "took me by the hand and said he was indebted to me for keeping up the fame of his victory in the Battle of the Nile for a year longer than it would have lasted in the public estimation" (Barker's memoranda). The panorama of Constantinople was exhibited in 1802, and the drawings were engraved and published in four plates.^[1]

In 1801, Barker went to Copenhagen to make drawings for a picture of the battle, and while there he was again received by Lord Nelson. In May 1802, during the Peace of Amiens, he went to Paris and made drawings for a panorama of the city. After this many other panoramas were exhibited, the later ones being chiefly from drawings by John Burford, who shared with Barker the property in a panorama in the Strand, purchased in 1816 from Mr. Reinagle. Barker, however, still travelled from time to time, and visited, among other places, Malta, where he made drawings of the port, exhibited in 1810 and 1812; Venice, of which a panorama was exhibited in 1819; and Elba, where he made the acquaintance of Napoleon.^[1]

After the battle of Waterloo, Barker visited the field, and went to Paris, where he obtained from the officers at headquarters all necessary information on the subject of the battle. A series of eight etchings by Mr. J. Burnett from Barker's original sketches of the field of battle were printed and published, as were also his drawings of Gibraltar. His last grand panorama was the coronation procession of George IV, exhibited in 1822. Of all the panoramas exhibited, that of the battle of Waterloo was the most successful and lucrative. By the exhibition of this picture Barker realised no less than £10,000.^[1]

About 1802 he married the eldest of the six daughters of Rear-admiral William Bligh, who commanded the Bounty at the time of the celebrated mutiny. By her Barker left two sons and two daughters. In 1826 he transferred the management of both the panoramas to John and Robert Burford, and went to live first at Cheam, in Surrey, and then in the neighbourhood of Bristol.^[1]

Barker died on 19 July 1856 at Bitton near Bristol. A list of most of the panoramas painted and exhibited by Henry and Robert Barker were published in The Art Journal (1857, p. 47).^[2][1]. His brother, Thomas Edward Barker, though not an artist, also ran the family business, but later set up a rival panorama exhibition with artist Ramsay Richard Reinagle at 168/9 The Strand, London.^[3]

Panorama of Constantinople (1813, aquatint)

The Morning Post of 1.1.1823 contains the following: “Mr Henry Aston Barker has completed his magnificent panorama of the coronation of the present king. It is one of the most happy as well as undoubtedly the most splendid of his performances and (establishes) him as the first artist of the day in this line, The picture is exhibited  in the Great Circle at Leicester Square occupying 10,000 feet of canvas and between 30 & 40 thousand figures.”

1841 census: at Golden Valley Bitton

Catherine Barker 90 (1751) b.Ireland

Henry Ashton (sic) Barker, 66 (1775) b. Scotland

Harriet Barker, 58 (1783 b. Scotland* (*presumably there was no column for the IOM)

Mary Barker, 25 (1816) b. Glos.

Catherine Barker, Henry’s mother, and the widow of Robert Barker, died at Bitton in 1842.

On July 29 at Bitton, North Prichard esquire, of Norwood Surrey to Mary, youngest daughter of Henry Aston Barker, of Bitton. (Marriage announcement, Worcester Journal. 5.8.1847)

In 1851, Henry, & Harriet were still living at Golden Valley.

Harriet Maria Barker died at Bitton in the spring of 1856 and Henry survived her by only a few months. His obituary appears in “the Standard” of 24.7.1856 ”the 19th inst at Bitton, Henry Aston Barker, in the 83rd year of his age.”

See blog 24th June 2010.

I was asked to find out as much as I could about the site and belatedly, for what it is worth, this is the result.

I understand the deeds of the property show that it was sold by James Sinnott, Edward Stockley Sinnott & George Stanley Sinnott to St Anne’s Board Mill Company in 1923 and the Company sold it to private occupiers in 1982.

The Sinnott family, James, his wife Mary Ann and their sons were living on a farm at Higham Hill, Walthamstow in 1851.  Between 1851 and 1861, George, the eldest son, aged 29, arrived at Langton Court in Brislington where he was joined by his parents and three younger brothers, Henry, James and Edward

The marriage of James, third son of James and Mary Ann to Emily, 2nd daughter of Mr William Vowles of Totterdown was announced on June 9, 1866 in the Bristol Mercury.   He was a solicitor and appears to be the same person who, with his two sons sold the Woodside Road property in 1923.

By 1871, George Sinnott, now 38, a bachelor and still residing at Langton Court had acquired a considerable estate of 300 acres. The older Sinnotts still lived with him, as did brother Edward, along with a number of live in servants and others who had cottages on the estate. Edward Sinnott advertised a thoroughbred gelding for sale on July 18, 1874.

In 1881, George Sinnott, aged 48, was at “the Farm House, Langton Court”, still single, he had retained the 300 acres and employed 20 labourers. The rest of the family were no longer there. 

Until 1883, it appears that James Sinnott had leased the Langton Court property from Mr Gore-Langton, the Lord of the Manor, but it seems from newspaper reports (see Bristol Mercury 30.6.1888 & 18.6.1890) that he had subsequently purchased the property. This is confirmed by a letter of May 14, 1883 in Bristol Mercury from “Civis” who deplores “the closing of St Anne’s Wood, Brislington” which was then to be sold at auction and stating that “all pleasure seekers like myself can do is lament.” The property included St Anne’s Woods, (and therefore the Chapel ruins) as indicated  in a Court case which took place between James Sinnott and the Bristol Footpaths Society in 1890. (For details of this matter see Bristol Record Office Pamphlet 4728 : St Anne’s Chapel, St Anne’s Ferry & paths through St Anne’s Woods” and similarly BRO P StLB/PM/1 – 1891 “Account of Footpath Dispute”. )

It is interesting to see the array of witnesses called to court (Bristol Mercury 25.6.1890), among them Alfred Henry Brown of Brislington’s famous Brown family who was visiting from Australia. (So beloved was our parish to these emigrants that they named their property in Australia, “Brislington”). Anne Williams, aged 85, of Unity Street, Bristol, a Roman Catholic, first knew of St Anne’s when she was 18, and recalled a pilgrimage to the Chapel ruins when she was 25. A Mr Joseph Cool, “a decrepit old man, aged 98 or 99” recalled using the Ferry in old times.  

On September 8, 1886, George Sinnott married Catherine Septima Roberts, the daughter Joseph Roberts of the Shrubbery, Paxford, Worcestershire (announced in Worcester Journal 18.9.86)  On February 20, 1888, a letter in Bristol Mercury refers to land near Netham Lock. In 1891 the couple are living at Langton Court Farm House, Wick Lane, aged 59 and 46, respectively.  George Sinnott died aged 61 in the September Quarter of 1892. No doubt his will would give further information.

It does seems from the above that at the time of the arrival of the Sinnott family, the site was part of the Langton Court Estate.  

However, in 1657, (ref DD\BR\tb/1 – Somerset R.O.) a house called St Anne’s House, formerly St Anne’s Chapel was conveyed by Rowland Lacy to George White, draper and John Willoughby, merchant, both of Bristol.  I am intrigued by the turning up of the name John Willoughby as the Willoughby family of Brislington were Roman Catholics. In the early 19th century they sold land in Brislington to Dr Edward Fox of lunatic asylum fame. It seems likely to me that John Willoughby is a possible link and should be investigated further.

The Lacys were Lords of the Manor prior to the Langtons at the time of the Reformation when they would have come by the Chapel lands. Prior to this I believe it was la Warre property, particularly as the la Warres fought on the Lancastrian side in the Wars of the Roses and apparently invited their Lord and King Henry VII to come to their local shrine. 

The object of the dig was to try to find objects which might prove that the St Anne’s Shrine was nearby what is now Woodside Road. Unfortunately no such artefacts were recovered.

The Bristol Riots took place on 26-31 October 1831. This list of the names of persons killed or wounded was submitted by the Bristol Infirmary, now the BRI, to Bristol Mercury and published on 22 November 1831. More details may be found by consulting the hospital records which are held at Bristol Record Office. All those named came from Bristol, unless otherwise stated. * indicates “died”.

In Casualties: Shot wounds.

*Stephen BUSH, 28, shot through chest. Died.

Edward EVANS, shot through right side of neck near collar bone which was fractured by the ball.

John LEWIS, 30, seaman, shot through fore arm

William YOUNG, 12, shot through leg

James SALMON, 17, shot in leg and one of bones fractured

John BENNETT, 16, shot through leg

Henry WITHERS, 30, shot through leg, of Stapleton.

Henry TUCKFIELD, 17, shot through thigh

William CLARKE, 48, shot through leg. (Is this the same William Clarke who was later executed?)

*Thomas MORRIS, 13, shot through bowels, since dead.

In Casualties: Sabre wounds and contusions by Horses of the Military.

Robert Thomson, 60, wounded across face which nearly detached his nose.

*David JAMES, 45, wounded skull, penetrating brain, since dead.

James CLARKE, 34, wound to head and contused

George CLEWELL, 22, wounded shoulder, arm and finger

Samuel VAINS, 16, wound to skull

John JONES, 26, wound to head, of Westbury

Dennis GRIFFITHS, 20, wound to head

Abraham GAUNTLETT, 16, compound fracture of leg, from “near Bristol.”

John PELLOWE, 17, wound to head and contusions

William WILLIAMS, 22, wound to face and contusions

Michael M’CARTHY, 35, wound to face and contusions

John LAURIE, 18, wound to head

Charles MANNING, 11, wound to head

George PARKER, 25, wound to head, of Horfield

Charles STEGG, 60, wound to head and contusions.

Accidents in the Mob at the Square and elsewhere, unconnected with the Military.

John KELLY, 17, sprained ankle, jumping from window of a burning house

Richard RICHARDS, 18, fractured patella and wound of head and general contusions in same manner as above

Charles BENNETT, 20, compound fracture of leg, fracture ankle and foot contusions in same manner as above

David O’DONAGHUE, 30, wound of leg falling from sash window

*Mary CUMMINGS, 22, burnt in one of the houses she had entered to plunder, since dead.

William PROTHEROE, 44, burnt and bruised in accidental in the execution of his duty as a fireman

Thomas RUSSEL, 25, head cut and bruised

Mr WILCOX, 34, face cut and bruised by glass bottle flung at him whilst defending some property

John CONNERLEY, 32, contused head by the staves of the constables

John SOUTHCOMBE, 21, wound of head and contused shoulder

*George Waller TRAGALLAN, apoplexy from drunkenness supposed to have come from Birmingham

Out Casualties/Sabre Wounds

John THOMSON, 21, wound arm

Cornelius COPLEY, 31, wound arm

Joshua SQUIRES, 52, wound arm

James THOMAS, 35, wound hand

John REEVES, 31, wound head

John PALMON, 32, wound hand

Joshua GODFREY, 32, wound head

Samuel DAVIS, 31, wound head, of Westbury

John JONES, 47, wound head

John ALSOP, 50, wound head

John KEEL, 23, wound head, of Horfield

Thomas HOBBS, 21, wound wrist

James BRYAN, 31, wound head

Charles BISHOP, 21, wound hand

Edward HURCHOUND, 29, wound head

Cornelius HICKEY, 21, wound head

John STONE, 32, wound head

Injuries in the Mob, not known how.

Thomas RICHARDS, 29, wound head

Benjamin ADAMS, 39, contused head

George HANBURY, 45, contused head

William GALLEY, 29, wound to hip

Michael CARTER, 21, wound to finger

Robert CARPENTER, 14, contused face

Daniel HACKETT, 12, wound face

John HURLEY, 21, contused face

William SOMERS, 15, contused eye

James M’Kellow, 40, contused shoulder

John BIRD, 59, contused arm

Ann HOLLOWAY, wound to eye

J. WILLIAMS, 21, apoplexy due to intoxication

Esau HUNT, 16, apoplexy due to intoxication

It seems to me that there may have been many more casualties and a far greater loss of life had it not been for Lt Colonel Thomas BRERETON, 1782-1832, the Irish commander of Dragoons who tried to disperse the mob by peaceful means, and when subsequently pressed to charge the people, did so but without using firearms. This conduct was stated to be “disgraceful”. He was court martialled for dereliction of duty and shot himself dead on the fifth day of the hearing.

At the time it was customary to blame the notorious Kingswood Colliers (my own paternal ancestors!) for any outrages or criminal activities committed. Henry Hill BUDGETT, a local Christian, a successful grocer and educationalist, one of my family history heroes, published a pamphlet at his own expense angrily refuting these allegations and defending the colliers. This list apparently confirms his belief as the vast majority of the people involved appear to have been Bristolians.

Another person with a walk on part in the affair was Isambard Kingdom BRUNEL who was sworn in as a special constable.

this book by Michelle Vale traces the history of John Warby who arrived in Sydney on the “Pitt”. Unfortunately this book is now out of print. Does anyone have a copy they no longer need? If so, please let me know.  I understand the author’s sources were “The Convict Ships 1787-1868” by Charles Bateson (which my brother has ordered) and “The History of New South Wales from the Records Vol 2” by Alexander Britton.

My kinsman James Pillinger, a Bristolian, born about 1770 and sentenced to transportation aged 16, was also a “passenger” on the “Pitt” and I would like to fill in the background detail of the voyage. 

There was an interesting programme on BBC 4 the other night with the above title. Two Bristol churches were featured: Holy Trinity,  Westbury on Trym, 13th century, though according to the church website, an 8th century foundation, and All Saints, City, 15th century.

The former has a “Cadaver tomb” – which portrays the occupant as a rotting corpse rather than in the pink of life. Such macabre depictions came about in the wake of the Black Death, mid 14th century and gave the message “As I am, then you shall be.”

All Saints, in St Nicholas Market now a Christian study centre, is 15th century. Purgatory was the intermediate station between possible bliss in heaven and the damnation of hell.  In order to avoid staying in this nerve racking place, (presumably under cross examination), no longer than absolutely necessary it was essential to purge as many of one’s sins as possible whilst still on earth. Of course, it helped if you had some money. Alice Chester, a widow “in good prosperity” in 1485 believed the Rood Screen at All Saints was rather ordinary so left a large bequest to the church to provide a new one.  “Rood” is an antique name for “cross”. The Rood Screen, in a mediaeval church was of ornate carved wood and separated the chancel from the main altar. Above the screen in the “Rood Loft” the crucifix looked down on the congregation, reminding them of Christ’s humanity and His suffering on their behalf. 

Agnes Chester was a contemporary of John Cabot, who is believed to have come to England in 1484 and lived just along the way in St Nicholas Street. Perhaps they bumped into each other. Just twelve years after Agnes died Cabot set sail on his epic voyage across the Atlantic to find a shorter sea route to Asia and stumbled upon Newfoundland.

Mary Dafter was employed by the Newtons of Barrs Court (who were rarely at home) as their steward – remarkable in itself for the time – and wrote to her master or mistress on a weekly basis for ten years between 1713 and 1723 with the nitty gritty business details of the workings of a large estate. Mary’s letters are preserved at the Gloucester Record Office and a transcription came into my possession following the untimely death of Mollie Ashley of the Kingswood Local History Society. This correspondence is a story in itself, but during a period when Mary was at her wit’s end, she unburdened herself to her employers with the personal details of her life. What they thought is not preserved. The family background is as follows:

Thomas Dafter, a yeoman of "Wollen" (i.e. Oldland in the parish of Bitton) in Gloucestershire, took out a marriage licence on 8th November 1684 to marry Mary Pollen, of St Augustine’s, Bristol. (The groom's parish is given as "Woolastone?, Glos" in the published version of Bristol Marriage Licence Bonds, which is incorrect.) The marriage was to be in the bride's parish church.

Their sons John, William and Thomas were born during the next few years and Mary Pollen must have died sometime in 1690 or early 1691 for Thomas senior obtained a licence on 30th May 1691 to take a second wife, Mary Davis, again of St Augustine's parish. Mary Davis would become the Mary Dafter of the letters. The bondsman to the licence was Richard Davies, of Bitton, clothier, who made his mark on the document. This Richard Davies or Davis was the father of the bride.

Thomas and Mary II had two children, Mary, baptised on 17th April 1692 who grew up to marry Joseph Long, Richard, born ca 1701 and Sarah.

Thomas Dafter of Barr’s Court made his will in 1713 leaving his “dear wife” his goods and estate with instructions to bring up their daughter Sarah until she was 21 or married whichever was first and after his wife’s  decease the estate was to go to his son Richard.  His daughter Mary Long was to receive £50, as was Sarah when she became 21. The bequests to the elder sons were £20 to John, a token sum of twenty shillings to William (he was to be let off his debt of £25 which he had borrowed from his father the year before ) and £20 to Thomas.

Thomas Dafter senior duly died and Mary took over his business as steward at Barr’s Court.

HER GREAT TROUBLE began on 17th December 1720, when she wrote:

"It is a very sickly time here. I thank God that I and my family is all pretty well at present. Mr Liddiart is dead this week; he was sick about a fortnight and some days was taken with shivering fits and vomiting."

On 19th April 1721, she apologised for not writing sooner, as "my father have been very ill and I was in great fear I should have lost him, but now I thank God he is able to ride out again." Richard Davis, though now a very old man, (he had been born about the year 1638) was obviously a great support to Mary.

On 10^th June she reported the death of a Mrs Warner (or Wornell), and said three heriots were due, but she had so far failed to collect them……and then the bombshell drops: "I should have gone before this, but she is next neighbour to Mrs Liddiart and she and I are now at a great dispute for my son courts her, or else she courts him. I have got very good gentlemen to try and break it, but I find it has gone too far before I knowed of it. My greatest reason that I upgate (sic) against it is the disagreeable (sic) of age for she is now 43 years and he is going in 21 years. I thank God he have a very good character and be need not to (have) wanted a wife according to his age but what God have ordered it shall be whether for a cross or comfort. She is counted a very sharp, sensible woman, but I think comes short in this."

On 26th July, Mary had been busy with the hay harvest, made more difficult owing to "my son being from me about this intended disagreeable matter." The happy couple had apparently asked her to baby-sit whilst they got married, for she notes crossly "Liddiard's son have had the small pox so that I could not suffer him to come to me in the house on my account and some of the servants, but now the child is well."

Richard Dafter, described "yeoman of Bitton", duly took out a licence in Bristol, to marry Martha Lydiard, of St Philip & St Jacob, Bristol, with his half brother John, a cooper of St Peter's, as bondsman, (and more of him later). The happy couple were married at St Augustine’s which seems to have been the family’s favourite church on 12th September 1721.

October 14^th, and Richard Davis was ill again: "I must beg your pardon for not writing sooner but my father have been very ill this 6 weeks but I thank God he is got up again, though very weak, but I am glad to keep him (even) if it is in his chair."

On December 2nd, she appended a postscript, (with which most of us who have children can readily identify): "I beg the favour to let one of your servants write a line to Frances Lewton which is Madam Archer's under cook’s-maid, and to tell her that her mother takes it very undutiful that she have never sent to her since she have been gone."  I hope the wretched Frances responded and put her mother’s mind at rest.

Mary makes no mention of the fact that Richard and Mrs Lydiard were now married though she refers to her son riding out on her behalf, so she had decided to grin and bear it. In April 1722, Richard engages with Squire Trye, the local Justice of the Peace, to prosecute a gang of robbers who among other depredations in the district had stripped the lead from the roof at Barr's Court, and stolen several horses from Mary herself. She names three men, King, Kanton & Harvor and says briskly that they were hanged but another called, Fortis and two women were transported. Although Fortis was condemned with the rest, she says he, "met a great friend in Squire Trye and in my son", and they spoke up for him. "His mother was a cook to my old master many years and is now very sensible among her neighbours when they be sick and no-one can accuse her of anything of these crimes, so her son have friends for her sake."

In this month too, Mary gets handed a parish orphan, one of a family of four, "from poor honest parents. The grandmother was my lady's washerwoman….I desire to know whether I shall take to him. It is a sprake (sprack) boy, but he is but small. Mr Merredith have gave him some clothes once, but that is gone and he is all in lice and rags."

By January 15^th 1723, Mary wanted to discuss personal business with Sir John Newton, even suggesting a visit to London, but he vetoed the idea. She wrote "As for my coming up to London, I should have been very glad if you would have admitted me to come; the reason is my son was of age the 12^th February last and he was left joint executor with me and is willing to have something from me and would willingly come to Barr's Court to take to the business if your Honor please, which I am very willing and nothing shall be wanting in me to assist him, provided we can agree on terms and we have a discharge from him, which I have no friend but your Honor to advise me, because I am not willing anyone should know my circumstances." These were not in a very good state, for she goes on, "My son do not know how things lie and I am not willing his wife shall know nothing of it. I have praised my stock and do find myself near the same as when my husband died. It would have been better but everything runs very low with renters. This five or six years have had bad crops and this year have lost by sheep near £40 by a bane which was general with us."

February 17^th 1723

"….as for my son coming to Barr's Court to assist me, he is very compliable to do what your Honor and I shall desire. I do want him very much, my father being ancient and cannot ride out as he did, and though he (the son) is young he understands the business very well and he never was undutiful till this unfortunate match."

November 11^th 1723

"I am still in a great deal of trouble. My son have been very ill and he and I have not put things right between us relating to his father's will. We had deferred ourselves to Squire Trye to end all disputes between but he is much biased by a wife and she have had an own councillor and I feel she will not let him agree to it. I fear that my family and myself will be ruined……there are a great many loopholes for trouble…I must rely on your Honor to advise me. I have no other friend in the world…".

January 8^th 1724

"My father is taken very ill that I have been up with him all night and day. My daughter have lay in and been very bad. I feared I should have lost them both but thank God both is better but very weak still."

February 26^th 1724

"I am ill with a swelling in my face occasioned by a cold, unable to hold up to do business."

April 19^th 1724

"Very ill again this month, and more like an ague and fever, but now this week, I thank God, much better."

July 25^th 1724

"My son and I not agreed as yet. Once more proposed to put it into Squire Trye's hands. It is agreed to be done soon after the fair if his wife do not alter her mind."

October 7^th 1724

"My son & I have not agreed and I am afraid never shall, for through a wicked instrument he proposeth unreasonable."

November 4^th 1724

"My son is very bad and like to die and my friend Squire Trye is once more a trying to make up our business which is the greatest trouble I ever knew and I think my son have laid to heart what he have done, but still being biased by a wife he do not consent yet to reasonable terms."

November 18^th 1724

"My dear son is dead the 12^th of this instant and I cannot express my trouble, but I desire I must go to him, for he cannot return to me. As soon as I compose myself, I shall go on with my accounts. I cannot tell you how his wife will deal with me which is a trouble because we had not agreed before his death."

(Richard Dafter was buried at Bitton, November 15^th 1724.)

November 30^th 1724

"Squire Edwards & Mr Offield both in London and I am waiting to have them advise me on my husband's will to know what was my son's right and where there is not the survivorship belonging to me by reason there has been no contract between us since he was of age. My son have made a will and made his wife executrix so she is very urgent to know his right so she is best to administer for she have been and is still to get what she could from me."

And now, there was even more trouble for Mary's stepson was in prison for debt.

"John Dafter my son in law, severely used by his creditors and no-one can say but that he is an honest man, and have a good trade as a cooper, free of Bristol, but having the misfortune that belongs to our family. Not having a good wife to manage what he gets to the right use occasions this confinement. The debt is but £10 but they have proceeded in law in his absence at sea, and it is amounted to £25. I have employed Mr Edward his clerk to see if he can bring it to some compassion."

December 16^th 1724

Opinions of legal men were sought about Mary's dispute with her daughter in law, but Mary thinks "…the case is back on my side. I do know he have had from me more than his right but I have nought to show for all he have had…. my son's widow is not respected by poor nor rich for her ruining such a boy and she have brought the debts that was with Will Liddiard's (her previous husband) that she created to be my son's now, so I fear it will be very hard on us, but I shall trust in God in the midst of my trouble will remember poor Mary and deliver me out of the Lion's Mouth".

December 19^th 1724

"As to my son in law John Dafter, he is still soliciting me to work for his redemption. I have employed Mr Edward, his clerk and he have brought the whole debt and law suit that amounted to £28 and his creditor now being in want and is in confinement in the goal (sic) with him (!) Now he will take £14 and £4 is due for his fees and debts in the prison, so £18 the whole to clear him out. I have been helpful to my husband's former children according to my ability and to do more is to give that as is not mine. Their father was a good husband to me and I cannot say that his former children was but very respectful to me, so was I of ability, I would soon have him out, but my troubles is now so great."

January 20^th 1725

As relating to my son-in-law in prison, I have offered two months ago £10 to release him, but they will not take under £14, besides his (keep?) in the prison. I am informed there is an Act of Grace that will come out for debtors in a little time, but that was in Midsummer last. The keeper have offered to take his note for his debtor which makes it. I desire your Honor's advice in this. "

(Nothing further is heard about John Dafter. I am somehow doubtful that Sir John put his hand in his pocket.)

March 13^th 1725

I am to wait on Squire Edward on Monday next about the Bond of Ward between my son's widow and me and I hope he will end it."

April 14^th 1725

But the meeting was postponed … (as legal proceedings always are)… "Squire Edward have sent for me this day and I am now going to wait on him to see to the bond that is between my son's widdow and me to be ended by the 1^st day of May next. Her lawyer have been out of town and would do nothing on it."

April 24^th 1725.

Squire Edward tells Mary her troublesome business is not ended, "they brought it to the threshold of the door and then stumbled". (again, Plus ca change)

May 26th 1725

"Squire Edward have not ended my troublesome business as yet."

June 23^rd 1725

"My dear father I have lost this last Sunday which was aged 87 years, had but 3 days sickness, the tenderest father that ever child had, and as good a Christian, in that I do comfort myself that he have reaped what he have sowed from his youth."

August 16th 1725

"Squire Edward is very sensible on the account he have to make up with my son's widow, that he have hurted me very much and this last 3 years have been so dry that it have pulled me back. I have a good stock of old wheat which will now bear 5s 6d - 6s a bushel which I will make out and other money I expect to raise and as fast as possible will pay it in. I have always ate the bread of carefulness."

September 13^th 1725

"….I am mighty busy it being a catchly time and likewise with my son's widow, she now threatens me that she will come to your Honor to inform you of all the affairs and then she will prefer her bill and swear herself not to be worth £5, and to have her law for nothing, suing under the King. I hope God will in his good time deliver me out of her hands, is my daily prayers."

October 20^th 1725

"I have been very ill with a pain in my side. My adversary threatens me with a bill in Chancery. I sent to Squire Edward and told him my circumstances that I had no money and he professed himself extremely kind. He said that it had not cost me much and it should not, for he will take care of it to my satisfaction."

December 1^st 1725

"I have paid in to Squire Edward the 30^th November £50, and I hope to pay in next week £100 more, for I am making out of old wheat and other stock to raise money. I am to wait on Squire Edward on Saturday to give him the best account I can relative to my encumbrances which it would not have been so with me had I not had three bad years together and likewise an undutiful child in my son being biast by a wife which hath hurted me very much."

April 9^th 1726

"My daughter is a widow and liveth with me and is my right hand to assist me, which was the same when her father was living, being brought up to keep the markets, which I hope your Honor will not dislike of, for she is a careful industrious woman which is a great comfort to me being left a widow so young."

(Mary Long had four children, a daughter of 11, and sons of 9, 6 and 2. The nine-year-old had been taken "at reasonable rates by the week to give him learning" by a Minister in Bristol, and he came home every Saturday. The baby had been ill, with what was thought to be small pox, but turned out to be measles. On April 23rd, he was still "very weakly, and I question his life for a fever attend him every day".)

Things went from bad to worse. Mary was on the verge of a breakdown. On August 13^th 1726, she wrote a begging letter to Sir John:

"Hon'd Sir

I waited on Squire Edward yesterday when he gave me an account of your Honor's orders which is such a trouble to me. I humbly beg of your Honor that you would not expose my trouble to the world and that you would be pleased with the bowels of compassion to look on the widows and fatherless children and you let me continue to be your steward, if not to be a tenant which have been always just and will to the end. I always depended that your Honor would let me continue in it in my lifetime and at my death which cannot be too long in this trouble, my daughter shall be bound to see to everything……and I shall make her sensible of all your business that you may not lose none of your of your rights, for she is an honest careful woman and no-one will say other, but my adversary which have been my great ruin. If your Honor is not pleased that she shall stay with me, she will go back into Bristol or some other place as soon as she can get a convenient place which I thought should not have parted from me but death. I always comforted myself in all my troubles of your kind letter at my husband's death. I cannot tell what to say more, but that my husband often said in a bad year that he had a good master and when you went from Barr's Court that you left a charge to him to be just and his answer was that he would be as true as your own heart to you, and that he did believe that your Honor would never let him want, nor his, which I have and shall be the same, if may be permitted, and if I perish it shall be at your Honor's feet, is all from your almost broken hearted and dutiful servant to death, Mary Dafter. "

On the same date , Mary wrote to Lady Newton, begging her to intercede, to let her and her daughter try for one more year: "parting from my daughter is tearing one limb from the other…..I am almost at my wits end."

In the event she was relieved of her post, but seems to have been compensated in some way, for she writes thanking Sir John for his goodness, and "that I shall always walk worthy of so great a favour. I agree with your Honor that it is not proper for me to continue on the farm, being but a woman and I had never attempted so great affairs had it not been for your goodness to entrust me with your stock, and was persuaded to it for the good of my son, which now he and his wife have been my ruin. I shall conform to your Honor's command and what Squire Edward would have me do in everything and shall always be ready to serve your Honor's interest what lieth in me even if it was to lay down my life."

And then as usual, she goes back to business, She has sent a box to London, carriage paid to be picked up in Piccadilly. Good news that the level where Mr Good and Squire Player have been prospecting for coal is blown up (!) and that the tenant Nicholls, is coming in the middle of the month to have his lease made. At which she finishes as always, "with my hearty prayers for your Honor's health and my good Lady's, I am your dutiful servant to command, Mary Dafter.

The family gravestone in Bitton churchyard reads: Thomas, son of Joseph & Mary Long, and grandson of Thomas & Mary Dafter, died 7.2.1761 aged 41, Mary Bartlett, daughter of Joseph & Mary Long, died 15.10.1760 aged 46, Richard Davis of Oldland, died 29.6.1725 aged 85, Sarah, wife of Richard, died 6.6.1671, Eleanor wife of said Richard Davis, d. 12.5.1696.

Mary’s younger daughter Sarah evidently did not live to be twenty one. If there were memorial stones to Richard and Martha Dafter, Joseph and Mary Long, to Thomas Dafter and either of his two Marys, they did not survive.

Mary Dafter of Barr’s Court made her will on the 5th April 1730 leaving her granddaughter Mary Long (Mary Bartlett, above) a “silver caudle cupp which cup holds about three pints and is markt with three letters, T. D. & C. also the silver cover thereto belonging” and several pieces of land in Bitton when she reached the age of twenty one. All the rest and residue of real and personal estate was left to her daughter, Mary Long, widow and relict of Joseph Long, of Bristol, mariner and also to be executrix.  Mary Dafter died in 1734 and Mary Long proved the will on 15th July that year.  The will may be found at Gloucester Record Office under reference D2957/47/5.

Of Mary’s bitter adversity, her son’s widow, Martha Dafter, I have no further information.

The Mansion at Barr’s Court was burnt down in a later era and all that remains is the moat. http://moat1.homestead.com/homepage.html

James Whitlow was born about 1820 in London, was literate, and was a ship's engineer, with certificates to prove his proficiency. He was probably engaged in the coastal trade. His family life on arriving in Bristol circa 1840 is well documented. His father, also called James was likewise a mariner.

A full article about James is likely to appear in the June edition of the BAFHS Journal, but in the meantime, can anybody find the birth/baptism of James in about 1820, or anything at all about his equally elusive father?

A Whitlow is a sore finger: this one is a sore thumb.